As the new year begins, members of the media, researchers, academics and politicians are all trying to guess what will happen in 2012 (recently I was interviewed about the future of U.S.-Venezuela relations and the future of the Occupy protests and their effect, if any, in the upcoming U.S. presidential elections). When it comes to Latin America, this year we will see presidential elections in Venezuela and Mexico; obviously, like the rest of the world, Latin Americans will follow the U.S. presidential elections and we will try to guess how U.S. foreign policy towards that region will change, if at all, depending on whether President Obama gets re-elected or a Republican candidate (yet to be decided), wins.

Regarding Latin America, my opinion is that we will see more land-related issues (read protests) in several countries, more so than we have seen already. Latin Americanists will remember the infamous Baguazo in Peru in June 2009, during which major protests erupted as native Peruvians opposed oil development in the Peruvian Amazon. A total of 34 people died before the protests were brought under control, including 24 police officers dead and 10 civilians. In 2011 there were other similar protests. For example this past July, three people were killed in Argentina after violent clashes when the police moved in to evict protesters from land belonging to a sugar company. Reports explain that “about 700 families demanding land and housing had occupied the land in the small town of Libertador General San Martin in the northern province of Jujuy, one of the poorest areas of Argentina.”
Then, in September, thousands of Bolivians protested the construction of a highway which would pass through a natural reserve in the land-locked country. The Bolivian government said the road is essential for development and would encourage trade. Then, on mid-October in Chile, indigenous Mapuches blocked four logging trucks and detained the workers for eight hours. The demonstration was done to call attention to the fact that the logging was being conducted on Mapuche ancestral lands. Finally, in early December, protests again occurred in northern Peru against a gold mine in the northern region of Cajamarca. Local citizens believe that the proposed Conga mine will pollute the local water supply which will affect thousands of people that live in the area.
Certainly, the importance of land issues in Latin America will continue to grow in the coming year and, most likely than not, we will see more of these massive protests.

By now the Venezuelan has been in prison for roughly 15 years, mostly in solitary confinement, and is 62 years old. Unlike
that, after all of his revolutionary declarations, his daring raids and his professed struggle against Western imperialism, people can now, in true capitalist fashion, buy a t-shirt with his face for roughly 24-25 dollars.
On Extraditions and Colombian-Panamanian Ties
Much has been made about Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos’ success at mending relations with his neighbors to the east and south. Rightly so. Given the difficult situation he inherited from his predecessor, this is no small feat.
But Santos’ newest diplomatic test may now come from the north.
On Jan. 3, Panamanian Foreign Minister Roberto Henriquez announced that Panamanian authorities will decide by the end of January whether the country will extradite Maria del Pilar Hurtado, the disgraced former head of Colombia’s now defunct Department of Administrative Security (DAS). Hurtado is wanted in Colombia for her role in the ‘Chuzadas’ (wire tap) scandal during the Uribe administration, in which, among other transgressions, the former Colombian president is accused of using DAS to spy on the communications of his adversaries.
Panamanian authorities granted asylum to Hurtado in November 2010. After more than a year of legal wrangling with international organizations and requests to turn Hurtado over to Colombian authorities, Colombia issued a formal request for Hurtado’s extradition in Dec. 2011 to stand trial for her role in the scandal, which shook the country’s confidence in the DAS and ultimately led to its downfall.
Colombia has been fighting for more than a year to return Hurtado to its post 1903-territory. Should Panama ultimately reject this latest request and allow Hurtado to continue living in asylum in Panama, diplomatic relations between the two countries could worsen. Should this happen, ties between the two countries will likely not reach the same low points as they did with Venezuela and Ecuador, when troops were sent to shore up borders and conflict rhetoric dominated headlines. The extent of any damage to bi-lateral ties hinges on Panama’s decision.